The policy of the leadership of the USSR at the first stage of perestroika. Foreign policy of the ussr during perestroika

1. Changes in foreign policy

1.1. . The main priorities in the foreign policy of the USSRafter 1985 become:

Easing tensions between East and West through negotiations with the United States on disarmament;

Settlement of regional conflicts;

Recognition of the existing world order and expansion economic ties with all states.

The change in foreign policy strategy was prepared by changes in the consciousness of a certain part of the country's elite, the arrival of a new leadership in the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1985, headed by E.A. Shevardnadze.

1.2. The concept of new political thinking. In the era of M.S. Gorbachev, a new philosophical and political concept took shape, which was called new political thinking. Its main provisions included:

Rejection of the idea of splitting the modern world into two opposite socio-political systems (socialist and capitalist);

Recognition of the world as whole and indivisible;

rejection of the principle of proletarian internationalism and recognition of the priority of universal human values over class, national, ideological, religious, etc.

Refusal to use force as a means of resolving international problems;

Recognition as a universal way of solving international issues is not the balance of forces of the two systems, but the balance of their interests.

2. East-West problem

in international relations

2.1. Soviet-American relations. At the new stage of Soviet diplomacy, bilateral relations between states successfully developed with the help of annual personal meetings of M.S. Gorbachev with the presidents of the United States (1985 - in Geneva; 1986 - in Reykjavik; 1987 - in Washington, 1988 - in Moscow, 1989 - in Malta).

The result of the negotiations was the Treaty of December 8, 1987. on the destruction of an entire class of nuclear weapons - medium and short-range missiles... The Soviet side undertook to dismantle and destroy 1,752 missiles, the American side - 869. This agreement was supplemented by the establishment of a detailed system of mutual control. In 1991 was signed Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty(OSNV-1), which put an end to the period of confrontation. Agreements were reached on the development of humanitarian cooperation, economic and cultural ties between the USSR and the United States.

2.2. Course towards relaxation. The USSR came up with a number of new disarmament initiatives (including the elimination of nuclear weapons by 2000)

In May 1987, the Warsaw Pact member states made a proposal to simultaneously dissolve the ATS and NATO, and primarily their military organizations (only the ATS was dissolved). In 1989, a decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR was adopted on the reduction of the Armed Forces of the USSR and defense spending in 1989-1990, according to which the size of the army was reduced by 500 thousand people, and defense spending - by 14.2%. In Europe, by 1990, Soviet and American missiles (excluding French and British missiles) of medium and shorter range were eliminated, and they were destroyed and could not be relocated to other regions. The USSR also eliminated some of its medium-range missiles in Siberia, Far East directed against Japan, South Korea and China.

After that, the USSR retained its military advantage in tanks and personnel, while NATO had nuclear superiority. The USSR's consent to the unification of Germany (1990) was evidence of the new approach to international affairs.

2.3. Economic ties with Western countries. Difficult economic situation forced the leadership of the USSR to seek economic assistance and political support from the G7 countries (USA, Canada, Great Britain, Germany, France, Italy, Japan).

At the same time, Soviet diplomacy made efforts to normalize relations with non-traditional partners - Israel, South Africa, South Korea, Taiwan, etc. Since 1985, a period of intensive expansion of various kinds of ties and contacts between Soviet organizations and foreign individuals began. The Soviet leadership was interested in the development of technical and economic ties, hoping to get loans and technology.

2.3.1. Humanitarian contacts. Western countries, primarily the United States and England, continued to link the expansion of trade ties with political changes within the USSR, as well as the expansion of humanitarian ties, contacts between individuals. In January 1989, the USSR signed the Vienna Declaration of the CSCE, according to which it pledged to guarantee human rights and fundamental freedoms, as well as to bring its laws and practices in line with international ones. Was accepted Law on Freedom of Conscience and Religious Organizations, decree on the exit from the USSR and entry into the USSR of Soviet citizens. As a result of the concessions of the Soviet side, the flow of tourists and business people both to the USSR and from the USSR increased manifold.

3. Relations with the countries of Central and Eastern

Europe

3.1. Weakening of the positions of the USSR in the countries of Eastern Europe ... Despite the statements about the de-ideologization of international relations, the USSR continued to follow the principles of socialist internationalism. 1986-1989 amount of gratuitous aid foreign countries amounted to almost 56 billion rubles (over 1% of the gross national product). 47% of this aid went to Cuba. In order to preserve the commonwealth, the Soviet leadership continued cooperation even with the leaders of the GDR and Romania, who disapproved of perestroika in the USSR.

In the late 80s. the situation has changed. In 1989, the withdrawal of Soviet troops from the countries of Eastern and Central Europe... As a result, the possibilities of Soviet pressure on the reform movement and in general on the political situation in Eastern European countries were sharply reduced. The active policy of the USSR with respect to these countries ceased and, on the contrary, American support for reformist forces in Eastern Europe intensified and expanded.

3.2. The collapse of the socialist camp. Ultimately, the Soviet external factor played a decisive role in the development of anti-communist revolutions in the region, directed against the existing political regimes. In 1989-1990. there were velvet revolutions in Poland, East Germany, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Bulgaria, Albania. In December 1989, the Ceausescu regime in Romania was overthrown by force.

In 1990, the unification of Germany took place in the form of the incorporation of the GDR into the FRG. Radical changes in the countries of Eastern Europe became one of the factors of the end cold war... Severing traditional economic and political ties Soviet Union with its former allies hurt the national interests of the USSR in this region

4. USSR and third world countries

4.1. Unblocking regional conflicts. Soviet diplomacy took an active part in the processes of settling interregional conflicts. The leaders of the USSR took a number of steps to resolve the Middle East crisis. In December 1991, an international agreement was signed in Madrid to normalize Israel's relations with neighboring Arab countries.

The USSR refused to support the dictatorial regimes in Libya and Iraq. During the crisis in the Persian Gulf in the summer of 1990, Moscow for the first time came out from the position of supporting the West in curbing Iraq's aggression against Kuwait.

A new feature of Soviet foreign policy during the Gorbachev period was the USSR's refusal to directly intervene in civil conflicts in Ethiopia, Angola, Mozambique, and Nicaragua. This move had conflicting consequences. On the one hand, he contributed to the beginning of the search for national accord with the participation of Soviet and American diplomacy and the weakening of military confrontation in these countries. On the other hand, the elimination of the Soviet military presence in these countries and the reduction in the amount of assistance provided to them significantly weakened the geopolitical position of the USSR in the regions of the world. While the United States, pursuing its own interests and using economic advantages, continued active penetration together with its allies into the freed up geopolitical space in the third world countries.

4.2. End of the war in Afghanistan. Attempts to actually improve relations between the USSR and the Western countries constantly came up against accusations of the USSR in waging an aggressive war against the Afghan people. In 1987, during negotiations M.S. Gorbachev With R. Reagan An agreement was reached on the termination of American military assistance to the mujahideen in Afghanistan and on the withdrawal of Soviet troops from there.

On February 15, 1989, the withdrawal of troops was completed. In December 1989, the Second Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR adopted a decision to condemn this war and recognized the participation of Soviet troops in it as a gross political mistake. In this war, according to official figures alone, there were more than 13 thousand killed and 37 thousand wounded.

4.3. The withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan made it possible resumption of dialogue between the USSR and China, for whom the end of Soviet intervention was one of three conditions for the normalization of relations with its neighbor. The other two conditions concerned a reduction in the number of Soviet troops on the border between the USSR and the PRC and the withdrawal of Soviet-backed Vietnamese from Cambodia. The Soviet-Chinese rapprochement was reinforced by the visit of M.S. Gorbachev to Beijing in May 1989

5. Conclusions

5.1. During the years of perestroika and new political thinking, relaxation of international tension, and, first of all, the confrontation between the USSR and the USA. The initiative to end the Cold War belonged to the Soviet Union.

5.2. Conceived by M.S. Gorbachev's radical reforms could not have been carried out without a sharp reduction in the military-industrial complex, which subordinated all economic activities. From this point of view, the consequences were so important demilitarization of all public life: the destruction of the psychology of the besieged fortress, the rejection of the emphasis on force, the transfer of the creative potential of the people into the channel of creative activity.

5.3. Real prospects have emerged for a closer integration of the USSR and the countries of Eastern Europe into the world economy and international political structures.

5.4. However, the foreign policy course of M.S. Gorbachev was not straightforward and easy. The deterioration of the economic situation forced the leadership of the USSR to go to concessions to the West, hoping to receive financial assistance and political support. It became obvious weakening of the international positions of the USSR, which lost at the end of the 80s. superpower position.

5.5. This policy was met with increased discontent and even resistance from certain circles of society. Thoroughly undermined domestic political positions Gorbachev and the loss of the dominant position of the USSR in Eastern Europe, as well as the withdrawal from the third world.

The beginning of the restructuring policy. In 1985, the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU became M. S. Gorbachev. At the plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU in April 1985, it was announced that large-scale reforms were being carried out in the country with the aim of changing society. Reforms were planned to be carried out in a number of areas, including in the economy. Especially a lot of attention was supposed to be paid to the development of the machine-building industry. Mechanical engineering was supposed to outstrip all other sectors of the economy in development.

The first perestroika laws, which were adopted and approved by the government, were the decree “On measures to overcome drunkenness and alcoholism” and the Law “On state acceptance”. But the anti-alcohol campaign failed because the state did not profit from the sale of alcohol. In addition, home brewing flourished everywhere.

Society received the reforms with enthusiasm, as the majority of the population supported the demands for change. Increasingly, along with the word "perestroika" they began to use the word "democratization".

Reforms political system. A new authority was established - Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR. From among its participants was elected The Supreme Council, turning into a functioning parliament. V union republics ah, the same state structures were formed.

Preparations began for the first in Soviet history alternative elections of people's deputies, which took place in 1989. In this regard, a social movement intensified in the country, and many informal groups appeared. At the elections, a significant part of the population cast their votes to democratically-minded deputies. For example, from the Moscow district, a candidate for deputy was nominated Boris N. Yeltsin, who received 90% of the votes.

National policy... TO the end of the 80s. XX century the national question sharply aggravated. In some union republics, friction began between the indigenous people and the Russian population. There were also clashes between representatives of different peoples.

The first serious test of the strength of the state structure was the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh, inhabited mainly by Armenians, but administratively belonging to Azerbaijan. The Armenians strove to unite with Armenia. Soon a full-scale war broke out here.

Similar conflicts arose in other regions (South Ossetia, Fergana Valley, etc.). Because of these events, many people became refugees. The party leadership of a number of republics embarked on a course of secession from the USSR. It encouraged, in order to put pressure on the Center, the performances of the nationalist-minded adjoining intelligentsia, the students. A large demonstration of this kind took place in April 1989 in Tbilisi. During it, several people died in chic, the press blamed the search for their deaths. The central government made concessions to the local authorities, but this only whetted their appetites.

Glasnost policy. The policy of "glasnost" meant freedom to express opinions and judgments. As glasnost developed, it became more and more difficult to control. More and more frequent praise and criticism were more and more often concerned not only with individual shortcomings, but also with the foundations of the system as a whole.

Glasnost served as an instrument of the political course of the reformers. The main supporter of glasnost was considered the secretary of the CPSU Central Committee A. Yakovlev, who was the initiator of holding meetings in 11K with the participation of heads of mass media. The posts of editors-in-chief of leading magazines were appointed people who stood up for the renewal of society. Such magazines printed many daring works. A large number of newspapers appeared, including tabloid ones, where any article could be printed.

Glasnost also influenced art. Writers were free to publish their works. In theaters, along with classical performances, new works were staged. The same situation was in the cinema. Now directors have the opportunity to shoot films on almost any topic without fear of censorship.

The consequences of the glasnost policy were controversial. Of course, people could now calmly speak the truth without fear of consequences. On the other hand, freedom quickly turned into irresponsibility and impunity.

The costs of publicity outweighed its achievements. The phenomenon of addiction to revelations appeared, which soon captured the entire society. The most ominous compromising evidence no longer evoked any other reaction, except for disgusting fatigue and a desire to get away from public filth. Excessive publicity has engendered indifference and cynicism in a society overfed with "negativity."

GKChP and the collapse of the USSR. The restructuring policy, the reforms carried out in the economy, did not lead to positive results. On the contrary, since 1989 the decline in production in both industry and agriculture has been growing. The situation with food and manufactured goods, including items of daily demand, has deteriorated sharply.

On the whole, the foreign policy of the USSR was unsuccessful, in which, along with Gorbachev, the Minister of Foreign Affairs played an important role. E.A. Shevardnadze. True, great progress has been made in relations with the leading capitalist countries, the confrontation between the USSR and the United States has sharply decreased, and the danger of a world thermonuclear war has been eliminated. The process of arms reduction began, short- and medium-range missiles were eliminated. However, the Soviet Union made significant unilateral concessions to the West. The democratization processes initiated by Gorbachev in the countries of Eastern Europe led there to the coming to power of forces hostile to the USSR.

The aspiration of the republics of the USSR for independence grew. The most acute situation has developed in the Baltic republics, whose parliaments have adopted decisions on the independence of their countries. In order to preserve a single state in some form, Gorbachev conceived the signing of a new union treaty, according to which a significant part of state powers was transferred from federal center republics. Thus, there was a threat of the collapse of the USSR.

The signing of the new agreement was scheduled for August 20, 1991. President Gorbachev, announcing this, went to rest at his dacha in Foros (Crimea). At this time, supporters of the preservation of the USSR were preparing to declare a state of emergency in the capital. On August 18, Gorbachev was shown the composition of the GKChP (State Committee for a State of Emergency) and offered to sign a decree on the introduction of a state of emergency in the country. Gorbachev refused.

Then GKChP announced the inability of the president to fulfill his duties and assigned the vice president to perform his functions G. Yanaev. GKChP advocated the preservation of the USSR. Its members announced the termination of the activities of political parties, the closure of some newspapers.

In response to this, he was elected President of the RSFSR in June 1991 I). N. Yeltsin issued a decree in which he qualified the actions of the State Emergency Committee as a coup d'etat, and its decisions were declared illegal. Soon the leaders of the Emergency Committee were arrested, and the activities of the Communist Party were suspended.

The August events led to the acceleration of the collapse of the USSR.

0 Ukraine declared its independence, followed by its example
Wali Moldavia, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan. December 8, 1991 leaders
RSFSR, Ukraine and Belarus terminated the agreement on the formation
nii of the USSR in 1922.At the same time, the Agreement on education
Vania Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). It included
all former republics Soviet Union, excluding Litas
you, Latvia and Estonia.

The results of perestroika. During perestroika, the “glasnost” poly-i ik was established. But most of the perestroika laws did not bring the desired results. In addition, Gorbachev did not take into account all

1 the south of the situation in the republics, which led to
collapse of the USSR.

§ 102. Countries of Eastern Europe in the second half of the XX century.

The beginning of the construction of socialism. During the Second World War in the countries of Eastern Europe, the authority of the 1st forces, especially the communists, increased significantly. In a number of states, they launched anti-fascist uprisings (Bulgaria, Romania), in others they led partisan warfare. 1945-1946 in all countries adopted new constitutions, liquidated monarchies, power. passed to the people's governments, rup enterprises were nationalized and agrarian reforms were carried out. By choice, the Communists took strong positions in parliaments. They are examples of even more radical changes, which were opposed by the bourgeois democratic parties. At the same time, the process of the merger of communists and social democrats under the dominance of the former unfolded everywhere.

The communists were strongly supported by the presence of Soviet troops in Eastern Europe. In the context of the outbreak of the Cold War, a stake was placed on accelerating transformations. This largely corresponded to the sentiments of the majority of the population, among whom the authority of the Soviet Union was great, and many saw in the construction of socialism a way to quickly overcome post-war difficulties and further create a just society. The USSR provided these states with enormous material assistance.

In the 1947 elections, the Communists won the majority of seats in the Polish Sejm. The Diet elected a communist president B. Beruta. In Czechoslovakia in February 1948, the communists, in the course of many days of mass meetings of workers, achieved the creation of a new government, where they played a leading role. President soon E. Be-nesh resigned, and the leader of the Communist Party was elected as the new president K. Gottwald.

By 1949, in all countries of the region, power was in the hands of the communist parties. In October 1949, the GDR was formed. In some countries, a multi-party system has survived, but in many ways it has become a formality.

CMEA and ATS. With the formation of the countries of "people's democracies", the process of the formation of the world socialist system began. Economic ties between the USSR and the countries of people's democracies were carried out at the first stage in the form of a bilateral foreign trade agreement. At the same time, the USSR tightly controlled the activities of the governments of these countries.

Since 1947, this control was exercised by the heir of the Comintern - Cominform. Great importance in the expansion and strengthening of economic ties began to play Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA), created in 1949. Its members were Bulgaria, Hungary, Poland, Romania, USSR and Czechoslovakia, later Albania joined. The creation of CMEA was a definite response to the creation of NATO. The CMEA goals were to unite and coordinate efforts in the development of the economies of the Commonwealth member countries.

In the political field, the creation in 1955 of the Warsaw Pact Organization (OVD) was of great importance. Its creation was a response to the admission of Germany to NATO. In accordance with the terms of the treaty, its parties pledged to provide the attacked states with immediate assistance by all means, including the use of armed force, in the event of an armed attack on any of them. A unified military command was created, joint military exercises were conducted, weapons and the organization of troops were unified.

In the first years after coming to power, the administration of Mikhail S. Gorbachev reaffirmed the traditional foreign policy priorities of the USSR. However, within the framework of the proclaimed foreign policy doctrine, called "new political thinking," these guidelines have undergone significant adjustments. In addition to Mikhail Gorbachev himself and USSR Foreign Minister E. A. Shevardnadze, A. N. Yakovlev played a major role in the development and implementation of the concept of "new thinking" politicians.

"New political thinking" provided for: rejection of the conclusion about the split of the modern world into two opposite socio-political systems (socialist and capitalist), recognition of it as a single and interdependent; the announcement of the balance of interests of different states as a universal way of solving international issues; recognition of the priority of universal human values over any others (class, national, religious).

The implementation of the principles of "new political thinking" led to the death of the world socialist system and the most powerful in the history of Eurasia - the Soviet state.

National policy. During this period, disagreements began among the supporters of perestroika themselves. The leading core of the party, which had formed around Gorbachev, in less than two years, was split into opposing groups. Everyone was aware of the need for change, but they understood these changes in different ways. With the abolition of Article 6, the CPSU became just one of the political parties. It became necessary to revise the entire political system of the Soviet state. It was inconceivable that the party would unconditionally relinquish power, which it had been in command for 70 years, so the opposition to M.S. Gorbachev in the ranks of the party itself.

The extremely difficult political situation was aggravated to the limit by the crisis of national relations, which ultimately led to the collapse of the USSR. The first manifestation of this crisis was the events in Kazakhstan at the end of 1986. In 1988, a conflict began between the two Caucasian peoples - Armenians and Azerbaijanis - over Nagorno-Karabakh, a territory inhabited by Armenians, but which was part of Azerbaijan on the basis of autonomy rights. Russian nationalism quickly spread in response to separatist tendencies.

The Russians, in response to accusations of exploiting other peoples, put forward a slogan of plundering Russia by the republics. Indeed, Russia produced in 1990 60.5% of the gross national product of the USSR, gave 90% of oil, 70% of gas, 56% of coal, 92% of timber, etc. ballast of the union republics.

This slogan was taken up by B.N. Yeltsin and was actively used by him in the struggle against the "center". Russia is a victim of the Soviet Union, "empire". She must achieve independence, go to her borders (Moscow principality?). In this case, thanks to its natural resources and the talent of the people, she will quickly prosper. Then other republics will strive to integrate with new Russia, since they simply cannot exist alone. The Soviet Union became the main target of criticism.

B.N. Yeltsin called on all republics to "take as much sovereignty as they want and can retain." The position of the Russian leadership and parliament, which proclaimed a course towards independence, played a decisive role in the collapse of the USSR - the Union could survive without any of the other republics, but without Russia no Union could exist.

End of the Cold War

Having come to power, Mikhail Gorbachev took a course towards improving relations with the United States. One of the reasons for this was the desire to reduce exorbitant military spending (25% of the USSR state budget).

However, his first meeting with US President Ronald Reagan in Geneva in the fall of 1985 ended with a little-binding solemn Declaration on the Inadmissibility of Nuclear War. On January 15, 1986, the "Soviet Government Statement" was published containing a program of nuclear disarmament by 2000. The USSR called on the leading countries of the world to join the moratorium on nuclear tests observed by the Soviet Union since the summer of 1985 and to gradually reduce various types of nuclear weapons.

The Soviet policy in Afghanistan was subjected to some adjustments, where the USSR replaced the country's leadership in May 1986. The new PDPA General Secretary M. Najibullah proclaimed a course of national reconciliation, adopted a new Constitution, according to which he was elected President of Afghanistan in 1987. The Soviet Union sought to strengthen the position of the new leadership in order to subsequently begin the withdrawal of Soviet troops from the country.

In October 1986, a meeting of Soviet and American leaders took place in Reykjavik, which marked the beginning of a new foreign policy course for the USSR. Mikhail Gorbachev proposed to R. Reagan to eliminate all medium-range missiles, while the Soviet Union made more concessions than the United States. Although the initiative of the Soviet leadership was not supported by the American side, this statement had a great international resonance.

In 1987, the Warsaw Pact countries developed a new, purely defensive military doctrine, providing for the unilateral reduction of armaments to the limits of "reasonable sufficiency."

Since 1987, the intensity of the confrontation between the United States and the USSR began to decline sharply, and by the beginning of the new decade, the confrontation has completely disappeared. However, the weakening of the confrontation was achieved largely due to the compliance of the Soviet leadership. M. S. Gorbachev and his entourage made significant concessions when concluding the Treaty on short-range missiles (signed on December 8, 1987 at the meeting of R. Reagan and M. S. Gorbachev in Washington).

The development of relations with the United States has become the leading foreign policy direction. Since 1985, Mikhail Gorbachev's meetings with the US presidents have become annual. Bilateral commitments were signed on the destruction of intermediate and shorter-range missiles and on the limitation of strategic offensive arms (SALT-1), albeit to a large extent due to the missile potential of the USSR.

1989 turned out to be "fruitful" in foreign policy events. In February, the withdrawal of a limited Soviet contingent from Afghanistan was completed. The withdrawal of Soviet troops from the countries of Central and Eastern Europe and a number of Asian countries began. The Soviet leadership facilitated the withdrawal of Vietnamese troops from Kampuchea. Relations were normalized, economic and cultural cooperation with China was established.

The eastern direction of foreign policy has also undergone a significant adjustment. The USSR refused to directly intervene in internal conflicts in Nicaragua, Ethiopia, Angola, Mozambique, stopped helping the regimes in Libya and Iraq, condemned the Iraqi aggression against Kuwait in 1990. All this contributed to the relaxation of international tension.

However, relations within the socialist camp became more complicated. As a result of the withdrawal of Soviet troops and the "velvet revolutions" in the countries of Eastern Europe, leaders came to power who were oriented toward the West in foreign policy. In 1991, the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance and the Warsaw Pact Organization officially ceased to exist.

Left without old allies and not acquiring new ones, the USSR was rapidly losing initiative in international affairs.

The end of the existence of the USSR made the United States the only superpower in the world. In December 1991, the American president congratulated his people on winning the Cold War.

Reasons for perestroika in the USSR:

1. The systemic socio-economic crisis caused by the arms race in the foreign policy of the USSR, the financial dependence of the socialist countries on Soviet subsidies. Unwillingness to change the command-administrative system of management in accordance with the new conditions - in domestic policy("stagnation").

2. There were also accompanying prerequisites and reasons for perestroika in the USSR: the aging of the Soviet elite, whose average age was within 70 years; the omnipotence of the nomenclature; rigid centralization of production; shortage of both consumer goods and durable goods.

All these factors led to an awareness of the changes necessary for the further development of Soviet society. These changes began to be personified by M. S. Gorbachev, who became General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU in March 1985.

Perestroika in the USSR: goals

Oddly enough, the government's plans were ambitious. Politicians have seen new country with powerful technical development. What goals did they pursue? First, the technical upgrade of production. Second, the translation into new level all economic relations in the Union. Third, the intensification of education in the USSR. Fourth, the achievement of the world level of labor, the universal level of its productivity.

Term

On May 15-17, 1985, the General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee Gorbachev paid a visit to Leningrad, where, at a meeting with the party activists of the Leningrad City Party Committee, he first used the word "perestroika" to denote the socio-political process:

“Apparently, comrades, we all need to rebuild. Everyone. "

The term was picked up by the media and became the slogan of a new era that began in the USSR.

The historian VP Danilov notes that "in the language of that time, this concept by no means meant a radical change in socio-economic forms and was reduced to the reorganization of some economic functions and ties."

Stages. Brief overview of events.

At the plenum of the CPSU Central Committee held on April 23, 1985, Gorbachev announced a program of broad reforms under the slogan "accelerating the country's socio-economic development", that is, accelerating progress along the socialist path based on the effective use of scientific and technological progress, activating the human factor and changing the planning procedure. The term "perestroika" as a slogan during this period was not used and had no ideological significance; individual shortcomings of the existing socio-economic system of the USSR were recognized and attempts were made to correct them with several large campaigns of an administrative nature - Acceleration of development National economy, automation and computerization, anti-alcohol campaign, "fight against unearned income", introduction of state acceptance, demonstration of the fight against corruption.

No radical steps were taken during this period; outwardly, almost everything remained as before. At the same time, in 1985-1986, the bulk of the old cadres of the Brezhnev draft were replaced with a new management team. It was then that A. N. Yakovlev, E. K. Ligachev, N. I. Ryzhkov, B. N. Yeltsin, A. I. Lukyanov and other active participants in future events were introduced to the country's leadership. Nikolai Ryzhkov recalled (in the newspaper “ A New Look", 1992):" In November 1982, I - quite unexpectedly - was elected secretary of the Central Committee, and Andropov introduced me to the team preparing the reforms. It included Gorbachev, Dolgikh ... We began to deal with the economy, and with that began perestroika in 1985, where the results of what was done in 83-84 were practically used. If you didn't do it, it would be even worse. "

The 27th Congress of the CPSU, held in February-March 1986, changed the party's program: a course was proclaimed to "improve socialism" (and not "build communism" as before); it was supposed to double the economic potential of the USSR by 2000 and provide each family with a separate apartment (program "Housing 2000").

Foreign policy USSR in 1985-86 continued to remain quite tough, despite a slight warming in relations with the United States and the West that began immediately after Gorbachev came to power. A significant shift in the international arena took place only in the fall of 1987, when the USSR agreed to make serious concessions in the preparation of an agreement on the INF Treaty.

By the end of 1986 - early 1987, the Gorbachev team came to the conclusion that the situation in the country could not be changed by administrative measures and made an attempt to reform the system in the spirit of democratic socialism. This move was fueled by two blows to the Soviet economy in 1986: a sharp drop in oil prices and the Chernobyl disaster.

The new stage began with the January 1987 plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU, at which the task of radical restructuring of economic management was put forward, and was characterized by the beginning of large-scale reforms in all spheres of life of Soviet society (although certain measures began to be taken at the end of 1986, for example, the activity "):

In public life, a policy of glasnost is proclaimed - softening censorship in the media and lifting bans on discussing topics that were previously hushed up (first of all, Stalin's repressions, as well as sex in general and prostitution in particular, drug addiction, domestic violence, teenage cruelty, etc.). ).

In the economy, private entrepreneurship is legalized in the form of cooperatives (although the words "entrepreneurship" and "private property" have not yet dared to pronounce aloud, cooperatives are introduced as an element of the market in the existing socialist model), joint ventures with foreign companies are actively being created.

In international politics, the main doctrine is "New Thinking" - the course: the rejection of the class approach in diplomacy and the improvement of relations with the West.

Slogans are being put forward about the need to rid socialism of "deformations", about a return to "Leninist norms", "ideals of October" and "socialism with a human face" by democratizing all aspects of society, reforming political institutions. During this period, almost all previously forbidden works by Grossman, Platonov, Zamyatin, M. Bulgakov, Pasternak were published; new books caused a resonance in society: novels by Ch. Aitmatov “Plakha”, A. Rybakov “Children of the Arbat”, Y. Dudintsev “White Clothes”. The question of the Stalinist repressions and the rehabilitation of their victims arose again. In September 1987, a commission of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee for rehabilitation was created, headed by A. N. Yakovlev. The opening at the end of 1987 of the Optina Hermitage and the Tolgsky Monastery and the relatively public celebration of the 1000th anniversary of the baptism of Rus in 1988 were perceived as signs of a change in government policy towards the church.

Part of the population (mainly young people and the liberal intelligentsia) is seized with euphoria from the changes that began after two decades of stagnation and freedom unprecedented by previous standards. Public apathy at the beginning of the 80s is replaced by belief in a bright future.

At the same time, since 1988, general instability has begun to gradually increase in the country: the economic situation is deteriorating, separatist sentiments appear. national fringes, the first interethnic clashes break out (Karabakh).

The final stage, during this period, there is a sharp destabilization of the situation in the country. After the First Congress of People's Deputies, a confrontation between the Communist Party and the new political groupings that emerged as a result of the democratization of society began. Initially initiated from the top, in the second half of 1989, the changes out of the control of the authorities. Difficulties in the economy develop into a full-scale crisis: in 1989, economic growth slows down sharply, and in 1990 it gives way to a decline. A chronic commodity shortage reaches its climax: empty store shelves become a symbol of the turn of the 1980s-1990s. Perestroika euphoria in society is being replaced by disappointment, uncertainty about the future and massive anti-communist sentiments. Emigration abroad is increasing. Since 1990, the main idea is no longer the "improvement of socialism", but the building of democracy and a market economy of the capitalist type.

1990-1991 The socio-economic system of the USSR is beginning to acquire the features of capitalism: private property is legalized, stock and foreign exchange markets are formed, and cooperation is beginning to take the form of Western-style business. "New thinking" in the international arena boils down to unilateral concessions to the West, as a result of which the USSR loses many of its positions and, in fact, ceases to be a superpower that controlled half of the world a few years ago. In the RSFSR and other republics of the Union, separatist-minded forces come to power - a "parade of sovereignties" begins.

The result of this development of events was the liquidation of the power of the CPSU in August - November 1991 and the collapse of the Soviet Union in December of the same year.

The fourth stage, or post-perestroika (September-December 1991)

The period between the August putsch and the legalization of the collapse of the USSR is usually not considered to be Perestroika; this is a kind of "timelessness", when, on the one hand, a single state formally continued to exist, and on the other, Soviet history came to its logical conclusion and the final liquidation of the USSR was only a matter of time. During this period, the dismantling of the communist system and the entire system of state power in the Soviet Union takes place. The Baltic republics secede from the USSR. The activity of the CPSU is first suspended and then finally banned. Instead of full-fledged authorities, surrogate unconstitutional structures are created (State Council, KOUNKH, MEK). All the fullness of real power is transferred from the union to the republican level. On December 26, 1991, the USSR finally ceases to exist.

Outcome.

Thus, perestroika in the USSR led the Soviet Union to collapse and disintegration. New independent states have appeared on the world map, the Communist Party has ceased to be an important part in the life of every person, the strict totalitarian regime has become a thing of the past. All these events will later lead to default and "dashing 90". But no one thought about it.

Foreign policy during the years of perestroika.

1. During the years of perestroika, the foreign policy of the USSR radically changed, which resulted in the prevention of the threat of a nuclear war, on the one hand, and the collapse of the socialist system, on the other. The new foreign policy of the USSR was proclaimed in 1985 and received the name "new thinking", the essence of which is that:

The USSR stopped looking at relations with the outside world through the prism of the confrontation between the socialist and capitalist systems;

The USSR stopped imposing its development model on other countries;

The USSR began to strive to improve relations with the United States and the West;

For this, the USSR was ready to make concessions.

2. Along with M.S. Eduard Shevardnadze, the new Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR, who took this position in 1985 (before that, for 13 years, worked as First Secretary

Central Committee of the Communist Party of Georgia). If the former ministers - V.M. Molotov and A.A. Gromyko, who fiercely defended the interests of the USSR, had the nickname "Mr. No" in the West, then E. Shevardnadze later received the nickname "Mr. Yes" for his regular concessions to the West.

3. In 1985, the Soviet-American dialogue was resumed:

Meetings were held between M.S. Gorbachev and R. Reagan in Geneva in November 1985 and in Reykjavik in autumn 1986;

December 8, 1987 in Washington between M.S. Gorbachev and R. Reagan signed an agreement on the elimination of medium-range nuclear missiles in Europe, which became the starting point for the disarmament process;

In 1988, R. Reagan made a return visit to the USSR, where he declared that he no longer considered the USSR an "evil empire";

After that, the meetings of the leaders of the USSR and the USA became regular;

Direct communication between citizens began - teleconferences, trips.

4. At the beginning of 1989, the USSR took a major foreign policy step - on February 15, 1989, Soviet troops were completely withdrawn from Afghanistan. The USSR ceased to participate in wars on foreign territory and to support socialist regimes.

5. In May 1989, 30 years after the trip of NS. Khrushchev, M.S. Gorbachev paid a visit to China. The normalization of Soviet-Chinese relations began. Gorbachev's trip promoted the start of mass anti-communist youth demonstrations in China, which were suppressed by the Chinese army on June 3, 1989 in Tananmen Square. This was the first case of massive popular anti-communist demonstrations in socialist countries.

6. Similar processes spread to Europe in autumn, as a result of which the socialist regimes and the power of the Communist Party in the socialist countries fell one after another:

In August - October 1989, a crisis began in the GDR - the mass exodus of citizens of the GDR to the FRG, as a result of which about 2 million people gathered on the German-German border, wishing to leave, and whom the GDR authorities did not release;

This gave rise to riots in the GDR, youth protests, as a result of which the repressive regime of E. Honecker in the GDR fell;

In April 1990, the communists of the GDR were defeated in free elections, and opposition non-communist forces came to power, and they embarked on a course of unification with the FRG;

Even earlier, in the summer of 1989, in the elections in Poland, 99% of Poles voted against the communists - in Poland, an anti-communist government headed by Tadeusz Mazowiecki came to the leadership of the country peacefully, and began de-Sovietization of Poland;

In 1989, after the death of Janos Kadar, 33 years since the suppression of the 1956 uprising that led the country, the Hungarian Communist Party (VSRP-AFL) itself dismantled socialism within 3 months and on October 23, 1989 proclaimed Hungary a bourgeois republic, which was consolidated constitutionally;

On November 10, 1989, as a result of a conspiracy at the top, 78-year-old Todor Zhivkov, who ruled the country for 35 years, was removed from power - reforms began in Bulgaria;

On November 24, 1989, riots began in Czechoslovakia (“Prague autumn”), as a result of which the pro-Soviet leadership headed by G. Husak resigned in disgrace, and Vaclav Havel (elected President of Czechoslovakia) and Alexander Dubcek (elected The Speaker of the Parliament);

On December 22 - 26, 1989, as a result of a popular uprising provoked by the execution of workers in Timisoara, Nicolae Ceausescu, who had led Romania for 24 years and before last day stubbornly opposed to reforms.

7. The Soviet Union took a position of non-interference in the processes taking place in these countries. The socialist camp collapsed.

On October 3, 1990, with the consent of the USSR, Germany was united - the GDR became part of the FRG on the basis of Art. 23 of the Basic Law of the Federal Republic of Germany, stipulated by the founders of the Federal Republic of Germany back in 1949, and ceased to exist. The USSR agreed with the membership of a united Germany in NATO and pledged to withdraw all troops from Germany within 4 years.

8. In 1991, the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) and the Warsaw Pact Organization (OVD) were disbanded without any reciprocal steps from NATO.

In 1991, Yugoslavia collapsed.

In December 1991, after 69 years of existence, the Soviet Union itself collapsed into 15 states.

Chita 2005

Plan

Introduction. 2

1. New political thinking, theoretical foundations, practical steps. 2

2. USSR, socialist countries and the fate of world socialism. 2

3. The end of the cold war and the collapse of the bipolar system. 2

Conclusion. 2

List of used literature .. 2

Introduction

In the mid-1980s, the leadership of the USSR came to the conclusion that it was necessary to end the fifteen-year “stagnation” by accelerating the country's socio-economic development. The need for acceleration was justified by four factors: first, acute, unresolved social problems (food, housing, consumer goods, health care, environmental); secondly, the threat of breaking the military-strategic parity; thirdly, the need to restore the country's economic independence, primarily in terms of strategic supplies; finally a threat economic crisis... New course of domestic policy. first announced at the April (1985) plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU, was approved by the XXVII Congress of the Party and embodied in the plans of the XII Five-Year Plan.

A radical restructuring of the economic system began. However, its success depended largely on the political system. It had to be transformed in such a way that it would ensure the irreversibility of the socio-economic revolution. According to economic advisers M. Gorbachev, it was the undemocratic nature of the political system that doomed the NEP, the economic reforms of the 1950s and the economic reform of 1965 to defeat.

1. New political thinking, theoretical foundations, practical steps.

In April 1985 M.S. Gorbachev. As a state, he put forward the concept of "new political thinking". The concept was based on a new understanding of the twentieth century. The essence of the concept was as follows. The entire previous history of human development is the history of the development of individual regions, and the history of the 20th century is a global history. The process gained dynamism in the second half of the 20th century, when, with world progress, all the horrors of "wild capitalism" at the beginning of the 20th century disappeared from the life of mankind.

Based on the idea of "new political thinking" M.S. Gorbachev and his supporters convinced the country's leadership of the need to adjust the ideology of Marxism-Leninism in the direction of recognizing the priority of universal human values over all others - class, national, state; constructive, equal interaction of states and peoples on a global scale.

The main principles of the "new political thinking" were as follows:

rejection of the conclusion about the split of the modern world into two opposite socio-political systems (socialist and capitalist), recognition of it as one and interdependent;

declaring as a universal way of solving international issues not the balance of forces of the two systems, but the balance of their interests;

rejection of the principle of proletarian (socialist) internationalism and recognition of the priority of universal human values over any others (class, national, ideological).

The implementation of the principles of "new political thinking" led to the death of the world socialist system and the most powerful in the history of Eurasia - the Soviet state.

During this period, disagreements began among the supporters of perestroika themselves. The leading core of the party, which had formed around Gorbachev, in less than two years, was split into opposing groups. Everyone was aware of the need for change, but they understood these changes in different ways.

The first blow to the authority of M.S. Gobachev was inflicted by the secretary of the Moscow City Party Committee B.N. Yeltsin. In September 1987, he unexpectedly spoke at the solemn Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU, dedicated to the upcoming celebration of the 70th anniversary of the October Revolution, with a sharply critical speech. B.N. Yeltsin spoke about the slowness of the implementation of perestroika, criticized the policy of the party secretariat and E.K. Ligachev, and also announced the emergence in the party of the "personality cult" M.S. Gorbachev. In conclusion, he announced his resignation from the Politburo.

Yeltsin's speech seemed to those present extremely confused and incomprehensible. The participants in the plenum unanimously condemned it. B.N. Yeltsin was removed from his post as secretary of the Moscow City Committee. But, as time has shown, this speech was an important political step. Seeing that the country's economy is entering a period of shocks, B.N. Yeltsin outlined his special position, dissociating himself from M.S. Gorbachev. Thus, one of the representatives of the party nomenklatura turned into a leader of radical supporters of transformations, acquired the aura of a national hero and a fighter against bureaucracy.

The next stage, 1987–1988, can be characterized as a stage passing under the slogan "more democracy", in which the class concept of democracy was replaced by a universal (liberal) understanding. Since the CPSU played the leading role in the existing management system, it also began the reform. During this period, fundamental changes take place in the political system of society. Since the CPSU played the leading role in the existing management system, it also began the reform. In June-July 1988, the 19th All-Union Party Conference took place, which determined the ways of transformations. The main direction was proclaimed the transfer of power from party bodies to the Soviets of People's Deputies, ensuring the sovereignty of Soviets at all levels. The highest authority in the country was proclaimed the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR (in the republics - republican congresses). The congress elected from among its members a permanent bicameral Supreme Soviet of the USSR and its chairman. Accordingly, republican congresses were elected - the Supreme Soviets of the republics.

The conference proposed a new draft law on elections, which was adopted in December 1988. For the first time in the history of Soviet society, elections became alternative (from several candidates). All orders were canceled when nominating candidates for deputies (previously, proportional representation of all classes was observed). At the same time, the decisions of the conference were half-hearted, ensured the preservation of power in the hands of the CPSU (one third of the congress deputies were elected from public organizations - the CPSU, trade unions, the Komsomol, etc. in these tips).

Elections in higher bodies the authorities opened a new stage - the stage of delimitation in the perestroika camp (1989-1991). It turned out that different political forces put different content in this term, that not "we are all on the same side of the barricades", as MS Gorbachev liked to repeat. During the election campaign, issues of economic and political development country. In the elections, many secretaries of regional and city party committees, employees of the party apparatus were defeated; at the same time, a number of figures who were in opposition to the regime, such as Academician A.D. Sakharov.

In April 1989, the 1st Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR opened. The congress elected the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. M.S. was elected as its Chairman. Gorbachev. At the congress, an opposition group of deputies began to form, the so-called "interregional group", which included the former secretary of the Moscow city committee of the CPSU B.N. Yeltsin, who triumphantly won the elections in Moscow, A.D. Sakharov, T.X. Gdlyan, G.X. Popov, A.A. Sobchak, N.I. Travkin, S.N. Stankevich. T.A. Zaslavskaya and others.

In March 1989, elections were held to the Supreme Soviets of the republics and local councils. In these elections, deputies from public organizations were no longer elected. During the elections, political parties and trends opposing the CPSU began to form. In most regions, they won a victory over party structures. The Moscow Council was headed by G.X. Popov, Leningradsky - A.A. Sobchak. In June 1990, the I Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR elected the Supreme Soviet of the republic. B.N. Yeltsin.

In March 1990, the Third Extraordinary Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR adopted a decision on the transition to a presidential system of government. The congress elected M.S. Gorbachev. It was decided to cancel Art. 6 of the Constitution of the USSR, which proclaimed the leading and guiding role of the CPSU in the political system of Soviet society. Thus, the transfer of power from the hands of the party organs to the hands of the Soviets was finally completed. In October 1990, the USSR adopted the law "On Public Associations", which recognized the existence of a multi-party system in the country.

With the abolition of Article 6, the CPSU became just one of the political parties (although there were no other parties yet, they were still in the stage of formation). This created problems for the functioning and activities of all other state structures and bodies that were previously subordinate to the CPSU and carried out its directives. It became necessary to revise the entire political system of the Soviet state. It was inconceivable that the party would unconditionally relinquish power, which it had been in command for 70 years, so the opposition to M.S. Gorbachev in the ranks of the party itself. M.S. Gorbachev tried to pursue a centrist policy, dissociating himself from both radicals and conservatives. In April 1989, at the Plenum of the Central Committee, 10 people from the Central Committee “voluntarily” resigned at once, E.K. Ligachev, from the "Brezhnev" composition of the Politburo by the end of 1989 there were only two (M.S.Gorbachev and E.A. Shevardnadze). In total for 1985-1990. 85% of the leading employees of the Central Committee of the CPSU were replaced.

The theater of the most fierce battles was the XXVIII (and last) Congress of the CPSU, held in July 1990. By that time, the authority of the party had fallen sharply, its number declined from 21 million people. in 1985 up to 15 million people. by the summer of 1990, the party actually split at this congress. The so-called "democratic platform" emerged from it and formed an independent party. On the other hand, in June 1990, the Communist Party of the RSFSR was created, which adheres to the orthodox communist positions. In the midst of the discussions at the congress, B.N. Yeltsin, announcing his withdrawal from the CPSU and offering the party to dissolve. This speech by the most popular leader dealt a virtually fatal blow to the CPSU. The congress did not overcome the party's crisis, its program document "Towards a humane, democratic socialism" was half-hearted, vague, and tried to reconcile the various trends in the party.

2.The USSR, the countries of socialism and the fate of world socialism

The extremely difficult political situation was aggravated to the limit by the crisis of national relations, which ultimately led to the collapse of the USSR. The first manifestation of this crisis was the events in Kazakhstan at the end of 1986. In the course of Gorbachev's "personnel revolution", the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Kazakhstan D.A. Kunaev and replaced by a Russian by nationality G.N. Kolbin. This sparked violent protests in Almaty. G.N. Kolbin were forced to remove and replace N.A. Nuzarbayev.

In 1988, a conflict began between the two Caucasian peoples - Armenians and Azerbaijanis - over Nagorno-Karabakh, a territory inhabited by Armenians, but which was part of Azerbaijan on the basis of autonomy rights. The Armenian leadership demanded the annexation of Karabakh to Armenia, that is, changes in the borders within the USSR, to which the Moscow leadership naturally could not agree. The conflict caused armed clashes and a terrible anti-Armenian pogrom in the city of Sumgait. To prevent the massacres in Baku and Sumgait, troops were brought in - which led to discontent with the positions of Moscow, both Azerbaijanis and Armenians.

The separatist movement also flared up in the Baltic republics. After the publication of the secret additional protocol to the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact, the entry of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia into the USSR was unequivocally viewed by the majority of the population of these republics as an occupation. Popular fronts of a radical nationalist trend were formed, acting under the slogans of political independence. The publication of the same protocols provoked a mass movement in Moldova for the return of Bessarabia to Romania, intensified separatist tendencies in Ukraine, primarily in its western regions.

All these factors have not yet jeopardized the existence of the Union. The level of economic integration between the republics was extremely high, it was impossible to imagine their existence separately. There was a single army, a single system of weapons, including nuclear ones. In addition, as a result of migration processes in the USSR, there was not a single republic that was homogeneous in national terms, representatives of various nationalities lived on their territories and it was almost impossible to separate them.

But, with the growing economic difficulties, the tendency towards separatism intensified. As a result, in any region - Russian or non-Russian - the idea appeared and began to make its way that the center was robbing territories, spending money on defense and meeting the needs of the bureaucracy, that each republic would have lived much better if it had not shared its wealth.

Russian nationalism quickly spread in response to separatist tendencies. The Russians, in response to accusations of exploiting other peoples, put forward a slogan of plundering Russia by the republics. Indeed, Russia produced in 1990 60.5% of the gross national product of the USSR, gave 90% of oil, 70% of gas, 56% of coal, 92% of timber, etc. ballast of the union republics. The first to formulate this idea was A.I. Solzhenitsyn. In the letter "How can we equip Russia?" he called on the Russians to leave the other peoples of the USSR to their own destiny, maintaining an alliance only with Ukraine and Belarus - the Slavic peoples.

This slogan was taken up by B.N. Yeltsin and was actively used by him in the struggle against the "center". Russia is a victim of the Soviet Union, "empire". She must achieve independence, go to her borders (Moscow principality?). In this case, thanks to her natural wealth and the talent of the people, she will quickly achieve prosperity. Then other republics will begin to strive for integration with the new Russia, since they simply cannot exist alone. The Soviet Union became the main target of criticism.

Becoming the chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR, B.N. Yeltsin proclaimed the sovereignty of Russia and the supremacy of Russian laws over the allied ones, which reduced the power of the union government to virtually zero.

On August 19, events took place that radically changed the situation. The signing of the new treaty meant the elimination of a number of unified state structures (a unified Ministry of Internal Affairs, the KGB, and the army leadership). This caused discontent among the conservative forces in the country's leadership. In the absence of President M.S. Gorbachev, on the night of August 19, the State Committee for the State of Emergency (GKChP) was created, which included Vice President G. Yanayev, Prime Minister V. Pavlov, Defense Minister D. Yazov, Minister of Internal Affairs B. Pugo, Chairman of the KGB V Kryuchkov and a number of other figures. The State Emergency Committee announced the introduction of a state of emergency in the country, suspended the activities of political parties (with the exception of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union), banned rallies and demonstrations. The leadership of the RSFSR condemned the actions of the State Emergency Committee as an attempt at an anti-constitutional coup. Tens of thousands of Muscovites defended the White House, the building of the Supreme Soviet of Russia. Already on August 21, the conspirators were arrested, M.S. Gorbachev returned to Moscow.

The August events radically changed the balance of power in the country. B.N. Yeltsin became a national hero who prevented a coup d'etat. MS Gorbachev lost practically all influence. B.N. Yeltsin one by one took the levers of power into his hands. His decree was signed banning the CPSU, whose leadership was accused of preparing a coup. M.S. Gorbachev was forced to agree with this, having resigned from the post of General Secretary. Reforms of the KGB structures began.

M.S. Gorbachev tried to start new negotiations with the republics, but after the events of August 1991 most of their leaders refused to sign the treaty. A new referendum was held in Ukraine, in which the majority of the population voted for independence.

The last blow to the Union was struck in December 1991, when the leaders of Russia, Ukraine and Belarus B.N. Yeltsin, L.M. Kravchuk and S.Yu. Shushkevich, without notifying M.S. Gorbachev, gathered in Belovezhskaya Pushcha near Minsk and signed an agreement on the termination of the Union Treaty of 1922 and the liquidation of the USSR Union. Instead of the USSR, the creation of a commonwealth was proclaimed independent states- an association, the status of which has not yet been determined. The President of Kazakhstan N.A. was invited to join the agreements. Nazarbayev. On his initiative, a meeting of the heads of the republics was held in Alma-Ata, at which Kazakhstan, the republics were included in the CIS Central Asia and Azerbaijan.

The liquidation of the USSR automatically meant the liquidation of the organs of the former Union. The Supreme Soviet of the USSR was dissolved, the union ministries were liquidated. In December 1991, M.S. Gorbachev. The Soviet Union ceased to exist.

The collapse of the Soviet Union and the world socialist system made the United States the world's only superpower. In December 1991, the American president congratulated his people on winning the Cold War.

3. The end of the cold war and the collapse of the bipolar system.

The twentieth century entered the history of mankind as an era of global upheavals, which marked the beginning of a fundamentally new stage in the development of the world community. The fall of the Berlin Wall in November 1989 symbolized not only the collapse of the bipolar system, but also the transition to a different structure of international relations, in which independent Russia, along with other states of the planet, will have to look for its own special place.

In the new historical conditions, Russia will have to redefine the optimal, from the point of view of its national interests, strategy in relation to the existing (USA, Western Europe) and emerging (China, India) world and regional "centers of power".

In theory, post-Soviet Russia has three options. First:

· Integration with Western Europe. In this case, Russia will most likely have to accept the unipolar concept in its American interpretation and voluntarily limit its national sovereignty in favor of the democratic world community, led by the United States, in exchange for a chance for full entry into international economic and political structures (WTO, Council of Europe and etc.). However, other, less stringent variants of cooperation are also possible, in particular, in the field of security, which have recently been often discussed at the highest level in Russia (the creation of a pan-European non-strategic missile defense system).

Nevertheless, despite the optimistic statements of politicians, Russian military specialists are still seriously concerned about NATO's eastward expansion, which they perceive as a direct threat to the national security of the Russian Federation. It should also be borne in mind that the Russian economy today does not have sufficient capabilities and competitiveness to qualify for a full-fledged entry into the Western technosphere as one of its "hotbeds" and take any tangible position in the European market.

In this regard, the second option is also possible:

· Distance from the West. In the mid-1990s, in connection with the failure of the Kremlin's pro-American policy, the objective impossibility of rapid integration of the dilapidated Russian economy to the world, on which the "Atlantists" insisted. During these years, the idea of economic cooperation within the CIS and, more broadly, the establishment of close economic cooperation with developing Asian countries, whose markets seemed more accessible for Russian technological products than the markets of developed Western countries, gained particular popularity.

Within the framework of this model, the idea of a strategic triangle Russia-India-China was proposed. According to a number of Russian analysts, the joint efforts of the three largest states of the continent will help prevent further destabilization of the situation in South and Central Asia, which threatens them. territorial integrity and national unity. This will lay the foundation for their mutually beneficial cooperation in a vast region rich in oil and natural gas (Caspian, Kazakhstan, Eastern Siberia), where American influence is still faintly felt.

It should be noted, however, that attempts to present the Russia-India-China coalition as a military-political alliance opposing the West (as the “Eurasians” regard it) are essentially wrong. Neither India nor China is interested in an open confrontation with the United States, since the American presence in the Asia-Pacific region, from their point of view, helps to maintain a stable international environment conducive to their rapid economic growth. Russia does not seek to return to the era of the "cold war" either. Although the idea of a "strategic triangle" really began to be developed by domestic political scientists only in 1992, when Moscow underwent a radical reassessment of the consequences of its pro-Atlantic course in the late 1980s and early 1990s, this Russian initiative is not specifically anti-American and is not aimed at on the resumption of the global confrontation between the two world poles. This step was dictated not by “infringed ambitions” and “striving for hegemonism”, but by the simple and natural need of any state for self-preservation and the creation of a friendly, stable international environment. Moreover, complete isolation from Europe and the United States may, in turn, put Russia in direct economic dependence on its Asian partners, which, of course, in no way meets its national interests.

Therefore on this moment the third way seems to be the most preferable:

· Search for an optimal foreign policy balance that meets the realities of a multipolar world. At the moment, this is the official position of the Russian Foreign Ministry, reflected in the Foreign Policy Concept of the Russian Federation, which was approved by the Decree of the President of the Russian Federation in early July 2000. Such a strategy will allow Russia to take advantage of close contacts with both the West and the East, without entering into in doing so, into any alliances and without undertaking onerous obligations to take sides in the event of any contradictions between its partners. At the same time, relations with both the European Union and the Asian powers - China, India, Japan, etc. - due to natural geopolitical reasons, will remain for Russia one of the most priority directions of its foreign policy.

The concentric "world-system", the core of which is made up of the states of the technosphere, which determine the main path of development of all mankind, is, apparently, a natural stage in the development of the human community: a certain hierarchy of possibilities is present at any level of social organization and it makes no sense to talk about any discrimination ... The fundamental question today is not how to radically change the existing world structure, but who will represent the “cream of humanity” in the 21st century and on what conditions the exchange between the center and the periphery will be based.

It is obvious that the modern structure of international relations, in which a coalition of developed countries led by the United States (10-15% of the world's population living on the territory of Western Europe, North America and Australia) actually determines the fate of the rest (essentially, powerless) humanity, is not only unfair, but also unstable, since it is fraught with global social upheavals. "Colonial survival model" based on international division labor and import of raw materials and energy resources, allowed the West, focusing on high-tech production, to make a technological breakthrough; the countries of the periphery have no objective opportunity to repeat the western path, if only due to the limited resources of the earth. Despite the accelerated rates of economic growth, the countries of the Asia-Pacific region (the most dynamically developing region of the planet) for the most part still lag behind the developed countries of the West, not to mention the mass of underdeveloped states in the periphery. However, the rise of national self-consciousness, caused by the first economic successes of the developing states, determined their need for active and independent international political participation, which many countries of the periphery were practically deprived of until recently.

With the disintegration of the ideologized bipolar system, new voices began to be heard in the world, asserting their right to independent existence, independent of Western doctrines. Regional centers of power have been formed - the heirs of other, non-Western civilizations (Chinese, Indian, etc.), who wished for themselves equal participation in the world political process, whose demands the West could no longer ignore and whose combined power it was no longer able to resist directly. However, myself western world is no longer a solid monolith: the Atlantic (Anglo-American) and European blocs have emerged, whose fundamental interests often do not coincide, although their foreign policy is still based on a common ideology that the United States persistently (if not obsessively) presents to representatives the rest of the non-Western world as the future basis of the "common human civilization" of the Pax Americana format.

In this situation, the Delhi initiative of E.M. Primakov (December 1998), who advocated the creation of a "strategic triangle" Moscow-Delhi-Beijing. This union, according to Russian side, is intended to become not just a military-political alliance of the three largest non-Western powers, but the "cornerstone" of a new, multipolar world, each "corner" of which will, in turn, be connected with other states of the planet by many similar "multifaceted" relations. In the conviction of Russia (which is shared by both India and China), in the new multipolar world, the main role should be played not by a hegemonic superpower, but by the UN - a democratic international organization-arbiter that takes into account the interests of all members of the world community.

Many analysts in Russia and abroad have a natural question, to what extent the strategic alliance Moscow-Delhi-Beijing, proposed by E.M. Primakov, is really feasible in practice. There are still a number of disagreements between Russia and China, China and India, including very significant ones, such as territorial disputes, the issue of nuclear tests or the problem of illegal immigration. Neither from the cultural, civilizational, nor from the economic point of view, India, China and Russia do not and will not be able to form a single conglomerate. The situation is complicated by the difficult political legacy of the Cold War, in particular, the mutual distrust caused by the Russian-Chinese and Chinese-Indian military clashes of the 1960s. Nevertheless, the awareness of common strategic interests, which has become possible in the new historical conditions, since the end of the 1980s. led to a noticeable warming of rather tense bilateral relations within the framework of the Russian-Indian-Chinese triangle.

In December 1988, Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi visited Beijing at the invitation of the PRC government, thereby initiating the normalization of Sino-Indian relations, which had come to a standstill as a result of the Sino-Indian border war of 1962. Next May, 1989, President M .WITH. Gorbachev paid an official visit to Beijing, during which both interstate relations between the USSR and the PRC and inter-party ties between the CPSU and the CPC were completely normalized. The disintegration of the Soviet Union and the prohibition of the CPSU did not entail any noticeable deterioration in Russian-Chinese relations: already in May 1991, an agreement was signed between Russia and China on the eastern section of the Russian-Chinese border, which was the subject of a twenty-year dispute (ratified by the State Duma of the Russian Federation in 1992 G.). During the same period, there was a slight cooling in Russian-Indian relations, caused by the fact that the priorities of the Russian foreign policy shifted towards the West and its position on the Kashmir issue lost its former uniqueness.

Since 1992, bilateral relations within the triangle have been developing steadily and confidently, there is a regular exchange of visits at the highest level. In September 1993, an Agreement was signed between China and India on the maintenance of peace and tranquility along the line of de facto control, which marked the beginning of a series of bilateral agreements on confidence-building measures in the border zone. In January 1993, speaking in the Indian parliament, Russian President B.N. Yeltsin declared his firm and unconditional support for India in the Kashmir issue, and in June 1994, during an official visit to Moscow by Indian Prime Minister Narasimh Rao, the Moscow Declaration on the Protection of the Interests of Multinational States was signed, which affirmed the need for “unconditional adherence to the principles respect for the territorial integrity and state unity "of multinational states as" one of the key factors "of their life. In the same 1994, the issues related to the western section of the Russian-Chinese border were settled (the corresponding treaty was ratified in July 1995).

The transition of full-fledged bilateral cooperation between Russia, India and China to a new, strategic level took place in April 1997, when, during the visit of President of the PRC Jiang Zemin to Moscow, the leaders of both states signed a bilateral Declaration on a multipolar world and the formation of a new international order, in which relations between Russia and China were designated as "an equal and trusting partnership aimed at strategic interaction in the 21st century." During the negotiations held in May 2000 in Beijing between the President of India K.R. Narayanan and President of the People's Republic of China Jiang Zemin, the leaders of the two countries came to a common opinion on a number of international issues; in particular, the need was emphasized to display a joint Indian-Chinese initiative at the UN aimed at protecting the rights and interests of developing countries and establishing a new, just world order. Both sides recognized that they needed to abandon the former rivalry for influence in Asia and move on to mutually beneficial cooperation, in which the development of information technologies and the fight against international terrorism were named as priority areas. K.R. Narayanan and Jiang Zemin expressed confidence in the further expansion and strengthening of the Indo-Chinese relations, which are already described by Chinese political scientists as a "natural strategic partnership."

In July of the same year, during an official visit to the PRC of the President of the Russian Federation V.V. Putin, a joint Beijing Declaration was signed, in which the parties stressed that “the development of relations of equal trusting partnership and strategic interaction is important for strengthening all-round cooperation between the Chinese People's Republic and The Russian Federation, strengthening the friendship between the peoples of China and Russia, contributes to the formation of a multipolar world and a new just and rational international order. " And, finally, the culmination of Russia's efforts to strengthen strategic interaction within the "triangle" was the signing during an October visit to Delhi of Russian President V.V. Putin of the Russian-Indian Declaration on Strategic Partnership (2000), in which India and Russia expressed a common interest "in the formation of a just, equitable and balanced multipolar world that will ensure security and stability for future generations."

Thus, today in Eurasia, not a new military-political bloc is being formed that endangers someone's national security, but a natural geopolitical alliance pursuing more complex and long-term tasks than a simple opposition to "American hegemonism."

The development of Soviet society in the second half of the 1980s is firmly linked to the concept of "perestroika". This concept denoted a revolution, first in the minds of citizens, and then in the economic and, ultimately, in the entire internal policy of the USSR. As a result, "perestroika" turned into a symbol of profound renewal and, at the same time, changes in the entire socialist system and its position in the world.

The period of gradual qualitative transformation of the socialist system on the basis of far-reaching plans and vague ideas about the fundamental reconstruction and lasting stabilization of Soviet socialism, designed to become a model for all mankind, lasted less than four years, from about the beginning of 1987 to the middle of 1990. Of course, such a period was deliberately not enough to create a truly updated system. The question of whether such a system could have been formed and functioned remains and, apparently, will remain the subject of ideological disputes for a long time to come.

The coup, the breakdown of the party and state structures of the USSR could occur only in conditions of growing economic difficulties, which were largely determined by unproductive spending. After Gorbachev came to power, a number of measures were carried out aimed (in words) at improving the economic condition of the country. However, the set goals were not achieved. The restructuring of the political and economic systems of the USSR ended with the destruction of both the system and the USSR.